Written by: Ben Andoni
It's not that Rama is disappointing people only with his governance, excessive behavior and arrogance, as well as his pathetic monologues on his podcast (when he rarely understands who the guest is and what he is there for), but he has become tiresome with the way he is administering his power.
His autocracy is no longer annoying or tiring, but torturous, when Albanians can no longer get answers to their daily lives. As if his battles with institutions (with Justice recently) are not in fact the normal ones that democracy needs, it seems clear that they only serve his political survival and the interests of the leadership that surrounds him. His vision has long been far from reality. Could a good autocratic ruler, under similar conditions, think that through a harsh hand he would reduce informality and bring prosperity and peace to Albanians? It seems impossible, on his part. Even more so when he speaks for and with the people. In many of his public appearances and especially in front of people, on those few occasions when he does not travel abroad, the 'socialist' Prime Minister Rama constantly speaks on behalf of and for the people.
That's what his predecessor Berisha did before him, coming from the communists and becoming a democrat. More than both of them combined, but with much more frequent public appearances, Enver Hoxha did it, the absolute communist leader, whose cult was indisputable. And, before him, the country's monarch, Zogu 1. The latter even promised the Albanians that he would wear the opinga and resist fascist Italy on their side. How things went, starting the argument afterwards, is worth remembering with a brushstroke. A few hours after the fascist invasion, the king was traveling to save his life in the car donated by Hitler together with his son (of a few days) towards the southeastern border. The poverty that the Italians would notice became part of the narrative that they created for the invasion and somewhat refutes what is said today about Zogu's prosperity!
The communists after World War II left the country in an unimaginable economic poverty and psychological emptiness, so much so that the images of Albanians and the natural-socioeconomic landscape of the early 90s are deeply engraved in the national memory. Meanwhile, Berisha led it towards the shameful epilogue in the quagmire of 1997-1998, where in addition to fraudulent pyramids, Albanians remained victims of poverty and especially the collective unwillingness to live without work. Rama, a few years later, inherited a state with problems that he tried to reform, but which has gradually failed, despite the European pace.
Nowadays, the pressure on people for everyday life is tiring, while segments of the administration are blinded and behave badly. Corruption is a painful topic, but it is no longer news before hope! In a hopeless way, young Albanians are seeking emigration, so much so that the population over the age of 65 and above is estimated to reach 26.4% in 2050. Economists determine in their equations that every 10% increase in the retirement age (65 years) affects the reduction of GDP per capita by almost half of this figure. And the reasons are known: the less employment and induction of the young and educated workforce, the lower the labor productivity and development of an economy. This is the model of developing countries. Annual growth projections, although they do not always indicate well-being for people, serve a group through which growth is also calculated. Albania's economy is expected to grow by 3.1% in 2026, despite global trade policy challenges, according to a report published by the World Bank. This projected economic growth is expected to help reduce poverty in the country, supported by increased consumption, investment and tourism revenues. So far, this has not happened, and the tourism model is not viewed with much optimism by experts, as it is turning Albanians into servants on their estates.
The question that naturally arises is what does Rama need this great power for, when the well-being of his citizens still leaves much to be desired? Publicly and officially for the integration of Albania in 2030. Berisha emphasized almost the same idea but related to NATO membership and visa liberalization. And, the next one that follows: Why does he oppose the institutions, when he is faced with such serious accusations against his officials and why is he playing with the "Balluku" precedent? Why does he need to clash with the Justice Reform (We will not touch SPAK, he assured!!!)? The answer seems simple: He has inadvertently or unintentionally created systemic corruption, where laws and rules are made for the interest of a few people, precisely those who apparently cannot let go, even when he can no longer lead. The bitter news: people have largely surrendered and the great extent of corruption seems completely "normal" to them!!
Let's look at the other side of the coin: Could Rama be a good autocrat? Apparently, this fact divides and narrows the position of the statesman, a fact that historical examples identify a century ago with Ataturk and in more recent times with Ten Hsia Pin in China or a few other figures. The model of the country that Rama has created is one where Albanians carry constant anxiety about work and the slightest (not only physical) financial security. The system that Rama has created, the opposition continues to paradoxically call a regime (even though they are in the same register and often flirt with it), essentially lacks accountability, where everyone is insecure and everything depends on Rama and his people. The latter have regained control in a psychological sense, ultimately leading the Albanian individual to economic stagnation and loss of freedom. Orwell in his time emphasized as a postulate, the fact of the existence of a benevolent or benevolent dictator: Never… “There is no such thing as a benevolent dictatorship.” They emphasize it. What they try to justify not in these terms, are the modern supporters of Rama. Even though they accept his autocracy, they cite as justification the weak opposition and the now-stamped sentence: Who will take it but him?!
The literature mentions three pillars on which autocratic regimes are based: control of the people (it has it completely), management of the opposition (almost with permits and employment) and maintaining the loyalty of the elite. A report recently approved in Brussels, drafted by European Commission experts after direct interviews with Albanian civil servants, described an alarming situation in our state administration. And in this vein: Could this governance have elements of a kind of good dictatorship, where people could find themselves and opportunity? Arguments fill art, but not Albania under Rama's leadership. This kind of situation is turning into a spiritual prison for many people who cannot cope in this kind of silent dictatorship. As for that "perfect" part of Rama, you can't even imagine this with a person who works only for his cult of the individual and international appearance and not for a governance... otherwise. “The perfect dictatorship would have the appearance of democracy, a prison without walls from which prisoners would not dream of escaping,” – once wrote the philosopher of art, Aldous Huxley. Rama could not become one not because he did not want to, but because he could not because of his education, culture and above all the structures he set up for the development of the country. In the latter, the Rama government unfortunately failed, because he thought of himself…, while letting the Albanians take over the world. The benevolent (good and positive) Albanian autocrat is simply an illusion, from those who try to humiliate Rama, and those who will first drive him… into oblivion.
t7 live
