Written by: Ditmir Bushati
Péter Magyar's victory in Hungary marks an important victory for democracy and Europe as a whole, as it marks the end of a government that proudly declared itself an 'illiberal democracy.' Seen in a broader context, this is the gloomy twilight of a model of rule, wrapped in an ideological mask.
The populist cycle is temporary
Viktor Orbán’s defeat is a lesson for those who disregard liberal democracy, however fragile it may seem. The post-communist societies of Central and Eastern Europe, despite their specific characteristics, have suffered not from a lack of rulers, but from a lack of democratic institutions that guarantee control and accountability of power. Every authoritarian slide and attack on democracy sooner or later faces even greater societal opposition.
Orbán unilaterally changed the electoral system several times to favor his party; he erased the separation of state and power by imposing complete control over the administration, business, media and institutions considered independent; he seduced, divided and blackmailed his opponents and rivals. However, the model he created, attractive to many leaders with similar tendencies in our region, turned into his political gravedigger.
For years, Hungarians had been stuck between an increasingly authoritarian government and a fragmented opposition. Voter disillusionment grew with nepotism, widespread corruption, and a lack of tangible economic results. Channeling public money to a narrow circle of people is a good way to consolidate power, but it promotes a system driven by self-interest, not the public interest.
The key to Péter Magyar's success was to create a broad-based patriotic political and social movement, putting an end to the illusion that illiberal regimes are destined to hold power forever. As a result, people grow weary of rulers and the eternity they aim to project. While for people, freedom and dignity are inalienable.
Alternative governance project
The Hungarian elections proved that money spent on unbridled propaganda backfires. Hungarians rejected the propaganda of traditional media outlets, most of which are either state-owned or owned by oligarchs with ties to power. Monopolizing the media message can only suppress criticism and prevent accountability for a limited time.
Magyar and his party had limited access to government-controlled advertising space. As a result, Magyar was forced to campaign mainly on social media and in every corner of the country. Magyar avoided the topics that Orbán chose to promote: global politics, the war in Ukraine, support from the United States and Russia. His messages were clear and focused on breaking away from the state. He presented a project to improve people’s lives, with an emphasis on young people.
The political change came from within the ranks of the previous government. From a former member of Orbán's party, he turned into a zealous denouncer of corruption in the government that until two years ago belonged to him. Magyar focused on governance, not ideology. He promised to dismantle corruption and the model of impunity, the rule of law, meritocratic appointments instead of clientelistic ones, and the unblocking of frozen EU funds. A voter who once supported Orbán on border security and national sovereignty voted for Magyar in these elections, without abandoning his political convictions. In short, Orbán's former supporters abandoned their tolerance for theft. Orbán did not lose the so-called ideological argument, but the confidence to govern.
Restoring democratic norms
The Hungarian elections are a reminder that whether your political priorities are the protection of family values, national sovereignty, or respect for gender identity and international cooperation, democracy is the best system to protect and guarantee them. Although Orbán argued for the end of liberal democracy, the removal of any checks and balances on power that lie at the heart of liberal democracy results over time in the degradation of the system of government.
These elections also serve as a guide to how rulers can be removed through the ballot box, when elections, although not fair, are held with sufficient freedom and the result reflects the will of the people. The fact that Hungary is an EU member state played an irreplaceable role in this regard. The desire of the Hungarians to remain in the EU and the freezing of EU funds as a result of steps back in democratic processes served as preconditions for the development of an electoral process of international standards.
At the same time, the elections in Hungary demonstrate the constraints that democracy places on foreign policy. As Hungarians through their vote corrected a strange pro-Russian, anti-EU trajectory in a country wounded by Russian occupation and rebuilt with EU money.
Magyar has secured a constitutional majority capable of rebuilding the democratic system from the ground up. This is an extraordinary responsibility that should not be squandered. The established model of state capture is always ready for new masters, and it is heroic to undo it rather than exploit it further. Magyar has promised that Orbán and his associates, whom he accuses of acting as a structured criminal group, will be held accountable. The process of undoing authoritarianism and restoring democratic norms will take time. Meanwhile, people’s expectations will have to be met quickly.
The elections in Hungary mark an important turning point. A starting point to dismantle the system built up over years and restore democratic norms. In the meantime, Europe must be better prepared to handle similar cases in the future. Starting with the Western Balkans.
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