Written by Ben Andoni
All it takes is a little bit of a joke from a senior member of the SP or the DP and people start making hypotheses about the expected change and the currents within the party! The media immediately takes up the cause and continues with its projections, revealing the opposing camps and the crises, where it already seems that former Foreign Minister Spiropali and former Deputy Prime Minister Braçe are preparing for changes in the SP!
In fact, this is unlikely to happen and Mr. Braçe has clearly defined his goal for the municipal candidacy. Same as the attempt of former MP Salianji for the elections in the DP and the challenge to Mayor Berisha. In the end, nothing changes in the Albanian status quo. The effort of the individual in our politics is great only until he gets a position, then things flow by themselves. Which means that: The man who seizes power in the country does not know how to behave "normally", but works on how to protect this strength to use it for his own cult.
Mit'hat Frashëri had an idea for this at the turn of the 19th century in the distant year 1900. "Salvation and prosperity will come to Albania by encouraging people to trade, craftsmanship and to give up their love for the poisoned bread of government". And, as an example, he gave one of Adam Smith's advice in political economy for the British case: "Trade and craftsmanship enlightened England". In vain. Half a century later, he would die alone in a hotel room in New York, but very few of his ideas would be absorbed among Albanians. Channeled with a political force that could not confront the communists, he showed that reflection should begin in these units themselves at the Balli Kombëtar. More than a century later, Albanians have not only not learned their lessons, but today confronting an authority (read: a ruler) in Albania is almost impossible. Political scientists combine here the past heritage (they often do this, related to the Ottomans), but also the values that a people builds as a different concept for politics and especially the judiciary. The latter is related to the belief among people as the only power that can make a change and help. But political power in Albania is not only not challenged, while past precedents are not simply not corrected and lessons learned, but are simply emphasized. The immense authority of Zog, who ended as a monarch, was only ended with the fascist occupation of the country. The authority of Communism under Enver Hoxha and the power of Alija in our country was challenged by the collapsed Albanian economy but more than that by the international trend that culminated in the Fall of the Berlin Wall, just as the fall of Berisha in '98 happened only thanks to Pyramid Schemes. In the only other case, former Prime Minister Fatos Nano, apparently being extremely obsessed with power, preferred to retreat after losing the general elections, leaving an unattainable precedent in our politics. Subsequent attempts to ascend to the post of president of the country resulted in nothing. His authority had vanished along with the entire infrastructure to maintain it. Other players appeared on the scene, to preserve our political and cultural status quo.
With what is seen, the great gap that the political figure who leads us creates is precisely what we cannot close. And, not in vain, when we refer to historical periods, we do not address the ideas of that time, the legislatures or the monarchical and presidential periods with time references, but with the identifications of the names of the authorities: the time of Zog, Enver, Ramiz, the first Berisha, Nano, the second Berisha, Rama. This is one of the greatest legacies of the Ottoman Empire, which represents the strong man who is at the top and is identified with his tagr. The way it distributes power (the case of Rama, Berisha and Kurti in Kosovo) makes it impossible for others, who are not part of it, to approach it. Even today, references to the Ottoman Empire and the leaders of that time are part of the inspiration. “You are not ours,” summarizes the thought of one of Kadare’s characters in his work. Under these conditions, it is difficult to challenge such an Albanian leader. They tried with Berisha, but the outcome was catastrophic. While his predecessors of the Monarchy and Communism solved the problem at its source. The consequences: Dozens killed, imprisoned, and interned, both in Communism and the Kingdom. The figure of the leader maintained patriarchal power (our folklore and political culture helped in this case), so the attacks that were later made in the rhetoric against Zog and Enver Hoxha were precisely related to the minimization of this stature... to inflate other authorities. Ahmet Zog was linked to swindling and theft, and Hoxha to homosexuality.
The Balkan leadership, in its cultural form, according to numerous researches, describes a type that loves power at all costs, not simply to exercise it but to create a cult. The autocrats who lead these alternatives, having benefited from the problems of previous systems (especially socialist), love power very much (the case of Rama and Berisha, plus Kurti are impeccable in this regard) and want to have everyone under them in their formations. This authority of theirs is enabled by a judicial system that does not understand the independence of its own power and is politically influenced, while those who want to confront the authorities, thanks to it, have to measure themselves several times against them and the dam of the judiciary, which does not touch the "strong".
The events of "April 2", "January 21", "Gërdec", today's corruption are being archived even though every year it is said that work will be done to clear it up. These are not enough, but in all this chaos, today's man sees the power of power that has disciplined even organized crime. Their dark world maintains relationships with politicians, as if they were old collaborators, a fact that is reflected in the people, who respond with indifference and abandoning the votes. Remembering the elections in Elbasan, Durrës, Dibër and the Dosjet for these elections, you are discouraged and afraid. Just like from an entire army, who are hired as a sign of "clientelism" and strength to maintain the base of this authority. Not in vain, the patronage of the SP has become tiresome and is in every cell, where anyone who slips can prove to their own expense that today's Albanian man is dependent on those in power even for ordinary work, services or economic survival. If you dared to challenge this power, then you have lost the sources of survival.
This is the situation after 36 years of democracy in Albania, where the media and civil society choose self-censorship or paths made simply to scratch a power that produces authority in the prime minister and the people close to him. Any kind of authority scares you, but today's one, which has reduced every other dimension, has become tiresome and disturbing. "There is no need to separate the monarch from the crowd; all authority is equally bad," wrote the cynical Oscar Wilde in his time.
The authority of rulers of all kinds in Albania today is the same as religion. It is not opposed. It is accepted. And, man becomes part of something, often consciously and unconsciously, to always maintain this authority in the interest of a few people. Salianji and Spiropal, etc., cannot understand this. They have nurtured an authority that they do not respect now. In the end, they are also simply part of the crowd. Simply put: We. We have all surrendered to the religion called authority. (Homo Albanicus)
t7 live
